The Kennedys have branded their heir apparent. And now we have Barack and Camelot. “Obamalot,” anyone?
This major political merger changes modern American liberal folklore. It gives Obama what he lacked: mythic heft. But whether it’s good for the whole Democratic Party is still in question. The Kennedy anointment will either create the winning coalition for Obama, or send the Democrats into disarray.
Witness this e-mail from a politically astute Asian American lawyer friend in San Francisco: “Usually endorsements don’t mean much to me. … But Sen. Ted Kennedy endorsing Barack Obama is a big deal. I’m now officially undecided between Ms. Clinton and Mr. Obama.”
Does that sound like you? I imagine more than a handful of Asian Americans are feeling that same pang of doubt.
If you’re a baby boomer of immigrant stock, your whole belief system in politics and democracy is based on the impacts of the Kennedy myth, from JFK to RFK. When it comes to immigration, there’s been no stronger force in the Senate than Teddy Kennedy. That’s the power of the brand.
Even the Clintons have used it in the past. Remember how Bill Clinton used an old film clip of a young Clinton shaking JFK’s hand to bond him to Camelot? Indeed, when I saw that clip during Clinton’s victory at the Democratic Convention in 1992 in New York, there was that same feeling of hope and uplift among people after years of GOP rule. There was an excitement and hope that was undeniable.
Back then, boomers were saying, “Hey, we’re in charge.” In this campaign, that magic seems to have shifted to those next in line: the Gen Xers and Millennials who are saying, “Hey, this politics stuff is cool.” And they’re not talking about Hillary.
Add the Kennedy myth to Obama’s fire, and you have to wonder if Hillary can keep up, without a myth of her own. After all, what is the Clinton myth? (It’s got to be more than “I did not have sexual relations with that woman.”)
It certainly is more than that. But we’re talking Bill, not Hill. And that’s the problem for Senator Clinton.
Her myth is that she has survived the ravages of a political marriage to remain intact emotionally and has risen to become a strong leader for New York. But so far on the campaign trail, she’s lacked the rhetorical fire of her opponent. She also seems to lack sleep. She definitely lacks myth.
Her turn?
Hillary has been riding on the belief that she is the presumptive nominee, or “next in line.”
That has always been a powerful force in politics. When it’s your turn, you lead.
Call it democracy’s notion of primogeniture, to borrow a term from the monarchy we kicked out. It’s somewhat ironic because of the gender bias of the term, but with Hillary, we have a woman who really can be president. And America is long overdue for that.
But here comes Obama, the upstart. His move is oddly reminiscent of another generational power play that I witnessed last year, when Hawai‘i congressman, Ed Case, challenged the veteran senator, Dan Akaka.
Case’s announcement was like declaring cuts in line at the local lau lau joint. You don’t do that.
The campaign provided stark contrasts: Case, a haole lawyer with Hawaiian roots, was the new modern Hawai‘i. The earnest Akaka was the longtime native son. But despite Case’s superior qualifications, voters stayed true to form. Akaka won on loyalty and heart. It wasn’t Case’s turn.
The difference on “Super Tuesday” is what happens when any existing loyalty to the Clintons is trumped by loyalty to the Kennedys. Then you can simply ask: If Obama is so good, why wait? If he’s not all that great, then it’s Hillary’s turn.
The Kennedy backlash?
There is also one other scenario for Obamalot. The only Democratic politician more polarizing than Hillary Clinton is Ted Kennedy. The Kennedy brand may actually be the kiss of death for Obama, especially among more moderate Democrats and Independents. You know which people like to bring up Chappaquiddick? People who see Teddy Kennedy as the “Darth Vader of liberalism.”
At the very least, the Kennedy endorsement establishes the new leader for the more progressive wing of the Democratic Party. I suppose if you believe we have a one-party system, then it doesn’t really matter. Obama certainly isn’t Ralph Nader. He’s not even Dennis Kucinich. But he’s out there to the left of Hillary.
And this is where the Clintons may make out in all this. Back in 1992, progressives were always bothered by Clinton’s moderate nature. In 2008, the Kennedy’s backing of Obama may actually give the electorate a point of clarity, because it puts Hillary right in the center. And that’s where victories are made.
My deadline was before the big debates this week in California. That’s one good reason why we’ve started my new blog. You’ll be able to see more instantaneous, amok reactions to the issues of importance to you. Check it out every day on our homepage at www.asianweek.com.